Chances of the Ethiopian opposition in the 2015 general election

By Shiferaw Abebe
April 18, 2014

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There has been very little discourse anywhere regarding the 2015 general election in Ethiopia despite the fact that it is only a year away. It was therefore encouraging to read a recent editorial on Negere-Ethiopia by Semayawi Party on the subject urging opposition parties to put their focus and effort toward this fast approaching election before it is too late to be in a position to make a material difference. I only hope other opposition parties inside the country heed this advice.

There are two peaceful ways of removing a tyrannical regime from power. One is through a popular revolt as in the so-called Arab Spring or more recently in Ukraine. Our own 1974 revolution is a good example too. Unfortunately, popular revolutions have time and again proved to be unpredictable both in their processes and their outcomes. Not only have the popular revolutions in the Arab countries become non-peaceful and even bloody, none of them have produced a stable democratic system as of yet. As we very well know, the 1974 Ethiopian revolution was hijacked by a handful of military officers who instituted a 17-year brutal rule that killed tens of thousands of youth in broad daylight. A popular revolt is, however, almost inevitable if tyranny stays in power too long and, naturally, the time bomb is ticking in Ethiopia and when/if it explodes the outcome could be uglier than what we have seen in the Arab countries in recent times or relative to our own experience back in 1974.

The second peaceful way is through organized opposition led by political parties that have clearly articulated vision, goals, and courses of actions. This form of opposition could include mass protests and actions aimed at exposing and holding the ruling regime accountable for its transgressions and incompetency. The ultimate goal is, however, to unseat the regime through the ballot box, form a different government and take the country in a different direction. In distinction from a popular revolution, this form of struggle is a long-term, arduous project where the process itself is as important as the end result.

By any comparison, the organized form of peaceful struggle has not been exercised to its full potential in Ethiopia; the opposition only has earnestly tried this method a few times in the past, the 2005 election being the best example. While the 2005 election was one that saw the most success for the opposition, ironically, it was, in the end, the one that caused the most damage for the opposition. The regime’s brutality displayed in the killing of hundreds and arresting of tens of thousands, on one hand, and the sudden disintegration of the opposition, on the other, demoralized the opposition camp overnight, while establishing TPLF as an invincible force. In the aftermath, many ardent supporters of the opposition caved in to the subsequent pressures of the regime and became card-holding members of any one of the EPRDF parties.

Whether the vast majority of these cardholders are true supporters of the regime is immaterial because in the absence of a vigorous and trustworthy opposition, they are likely to give their vote to EPRDF in the next election as they did in 2010. That is why the opposition that almost formed a government in 2005 was left with a single seat in parliament.

Still, a great number of opposition parties believe in the validity and vitality of a peaceful, organized form of struggle for which their leaders and supporters are paying significant prices. In recent months, these parties, particularly the most noticeable ones have made significant inroads in exciting their support base, exposing the regime in a more direct and credible way, and even in putting the regime on the defensive in some instances. The protest rallies they carried out in Addis, Dessie, and Bahir Dar, for example, are encouraging signs that the opposition is gaining some momentum. However, drawing a few thousands supporters to these rallies is a far, long way cry from being in a position to win an election.

The outcome of the 2015 election will be decisive on many levels. A resounding “win” for TPLF/EPRDF will cement the “legitimacy” of a dominant party system. A really bad outcome for the opposition, on the flip side, will be a kiss of death for organized, peaceful opposition from which it will not recover for a long time to come. The question is, therefore, as the 2015 election fast approaches, what are the chances of the opposition to score significant gains if not win the election?

Judging by where the opposition is at this point in time, its chances are not good at all. Unless TPLF and its crony appendages are beset by internal strife to the point of losing all control over the state/party machinery, the chances of which are pretty slim to be honest. Or unless something miraculous happens on the opposition side, which, with only a year away from the 2015 election, appears farfetched although still possible.
What may or may not happen on the regime’s side is not in the hands of the opposition.

It would therefore make sense to focus on what the opposition should do on matters that are under its control, prime among which is forming and sustaining a formidable coalition (which, of course, would be a miraculous achievement). It is a worn out wisdom that fragmentation remains the Achilles heel of the opposition. It would be something, even perhaps a welcome thing, if one dominant opposition party has emerged. The fact that, after 23 years of oppressive, ethnocentric TPLF rule, no one party has emerged as a dominant opposition party may say something profound about our society’s mindset. More pertinently for now, however, it means coalition is still the opposition’s best ticket to challenge TPLF/EPRDF in a meaningful way and register at least a respectable outcome in the upcoming election.

 The one parliamentary seat the opposition secured from the last election may say a lot about the undemocratic nature of the ruling regime. But it also says a great deal about the opposition’s weakness. The Ethiopian people are in a hostage mentality. Since they have been made to believe that the regime is invincible, they will not vote for the opposition and suffer the potential consequences unless they see something promising, something trustworthy and something exciting .The battle is psychological and the winning formula is appearance. A fragmented opposition is a bad appearance. One may use any adjectives (young, cheetah, hippo, or whatever) to describe one or the other opposition party, the fact is none of these parties are individually exciting enough, certainaly not as exciting as they would be if they were untied, to grab the attention, respect, and unreserved support of the Ethiopian people.

One of the key lessons of the 2005 election was that, ill prepared as it was organizationally, Kinijit was nevertheless able to win that election because it was able to pull off a grand coalition that stood tall and equal to TPLF/EPRDF in its stature. What happened after the election cannot minimize the defining role the grand coalition played. The second lesson was that unseating a tyrant requires more than forming a coalition overnight. The coalition has to be organizationally strong, disciplined, and most of all fully prepared for all possible outcomes.

The tragedy of Kinijit was not that its victory war snatched by TPLF, but the fact that it disintegrated overnight because it was ill prepared to respond to the post-election reality effectively.
Given the higher degree of visibility and publicity Andinet and Semayawi have acquired lately, it is incumbent on the leaders of these two organizations to create that grand coalition to shape the outcome of the next election in a significant way.

The leaders of these parties have the historical responsibility of seeing beyond their own parties and reach out to each other and to many other opposition groups. The call from Andinet to all opposition parties to work together is a great start. The collaboration of Andinet and AEUP in the Bahir Dar rally had great results and even greater hopes; it will be inexcusable if the two let the opportunity to move their collaboration to the next level slip through their fingers.

Arena has expressed a great interest in making the necessary compromises to form a grand coalition. Semayawi Party should respond positively to Andinet's timely call because it will not achieve much by its own. (In the above referenced editorial, Semayawi Party has highlighted putting pressure on the regime to make the election process fairer as one of the tasks the opposition should undertake ahead of time.

 The fact is, only a united opposition will have any chance, if at all, of forcing the regime to do anything).
Sustaining a workable (there is no perfect) coalition has been an elusive venture in Ethiopia for over two decades. In fact, one could out of frustration think of coalitions as a bad idea. But, at this point in time, it is the best option the opposition has for the 2015 election. Forming a grand coalition is a strategic imperative. If opposition parties choose to keep their fragmentation as a badge of honor, they will only succeed in belittling themselves in the face of the regime and in the eyes of the Ethiopian people.

Time is not in the opposition’s favor but if there is a will there is a way.


Shiferaw Abebe can be reached at shiferawabebe1@gmail.com

Journalists are not terrorists

Friday, April 18, 2014
@ 06:04 PM ed

By Jullian York (PolicyMic)

“Journalists are not terrorists!” This is what Mohamed Fadel Fahmy, the jailed bureau chief of Al Jazeera Egypt, shouted from the cages where he and other journalists were being held during a March 5 hearing.

Fahmy, along with 19 other journalists (nine of whom work for the Qatari network), are being held on terror charges for interviewing members of the Muslim Brotherhood, which is, according to the Egyptian government, a terrorist organization. This is a rapid shift from a year ago when the now-defamed group was in power.

For journalists, reporting in a post-9/11 world means performing a dangerous dance with vaguely-worded anti-terror and national security laws.

Journalists are being imprisoned in record-breaking numbers, often under the guise of anti-terror or national security laws. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, a press watchdog group, 232 journalists were jailed worldwide in 2012, 132 of whom were held on anti-terror and national security charges.

Though authoritarian governments like Egypt’s lead in these imprisonment numbers, the United States has played a significant role in legitimizing the tactic, imprisoning journalists in Iraq, Afghanistan and Guantánamo Bay.

Furthermore, U.S. allies in the global war on terror — such as Morocco and Ethiopia — are increasingly employing it to silence journalists whom they believe threaten their deeply entrenched regimes. And like with Egypt, the reaction from the U.S. has been underwhelming.

One telling case is that of Eskinder Nega, a prominent journalist in his country of Ethiopia, who was arrested in September 2011 under the country’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009 and sentenced to 18 years in prison.

The proclamation gives the government’s executive branch sweeping power to detain anyone who “writes, edits, prints, publishes, publicizes, disseminates” statements deemed to encourage or support terrorist acts.

In an ironic twist, Nega — who had been imprisoned before under the government of now-deceased Prime Minister Meles Zenawi — was detained after publishing an online column critical of the use of the proclamation to silence dissent. Nega’s prosecution has been roundly condemned by human rights groups.

The East African country with a spotty human rights record may not be the first that comes to mind when one thinks of U.S. allies, but it was, in fact, an early member of the United States’ “coalition of the willing” and has received considerable financial support from the United States to help in the war on terror; the U.S. even allowed the Ethiopian government to complete a secret arms purchasefrom North Korea, despite long-term sanctions. The CIA has also reportedly used Ethiopia as a site for extraordinary rendition.

In response to Nega’s prosecution, the U.S. Department of State spoke out about the use of Ethiopia’s anti-terror law to prosecute journalists, but is it too little too late? After all, the U.S.’ partnership with Ethiopia during the war on terror undoubtedly influenced the creation of the law itself.

Last September, Moroccan authorities arrested journalist and editor Ali Anouzla, charging him with “material assistance” to a terrorist group, “defending terrorism,” and “inciting the execution of terrorist acts.”

What was Anouzla’s crime? The editor and co-founder of popular publication Lakome had linked to an article in the online edition of Spanish publication El País that in turn linked to a YouTube video reportedly uploaded by AQIM (Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb). Now, at the behest of the Moroccan government, Spain got involved and is investigating El País and Ignacio Cembrero, the journalist who wrote the article.

Let me repeat that: Spain, a member of the European Union and by all accounts a democracy, is investigating a journalist who linked to a YouTube video because Morocco — a “partly free”monarchy with a poor human rights record — demanded it do so.

Like Ethiopia, Morocco is an ally in the global war on terror, receiving more than $40 millionin military and security assistance from the U.S. in 2011 and (like Ethiopia) its prisons have been reportedly used for extraordinary

rendition. While the U.S. has called Morocco a moderate allyand its efforts to fight terrorism “clear, direct, and strong,” groups like Human Rights Watch have expressed serious concerns about the country’s human rights conditions.

Further east, Abdulelah Haider Shaye sits under house arrest. The Yemeni journalist, known for his interviews with high-ranking Al Qaeda members and for uncovering the United States’ role in a 2009 drone strike, was convicted of “terrorism-related charges” in 2011 and sentenced to five years’ imprisonment.

Yemen is a tricky ally: The U.S. is — for all intents and purposes — at war in Yemen. One hundred and fifteen Yemeni nationals have been held at 

Guantánamo. But the impoverished country also receives hundreds of millions in military aid from the U.S. to combat terrorism.

After outcry both from western human rights organizations and tribal leaders, Yemen’s president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, was reportedly prepared to grant Shaye a pardon until — journalist Jeremy Scahill claims — President Obama intervened. While the State Department says their interest in Shaye’s case has to do with his alleged support for Al Qaeda, Amnesty International’s director for the Middle East and North Africa, Philip Luther, stated: “There are strong indications that … [Shaye] has been jailed solely for daring to speak out about U.S. collaboration in a cluster munitions attack which took place in Yemen.”

Although some of the most prominent and brazen uses of terrorism laws against journalists come from U.S. allies that rely on the financial support of their benefactor, national security laws that allow for prosecutions of speech acts are increasingly common, and are likely influenced, if indirectly, by the global war on terror. In China, any speech that threatens to “subvert the State power or overthrow the socialist system” can be prosecuted. Lèse-majesté laws in Thailand, Jordan and Morocco are frequently used to stifle political dissent. And the U.K.’s Terrorism Act of 2000 famously came up for debate last year after it was used to detain David Miranda, a Guardian journalist (and partner of award-winning journalist Glenn Greenwald).

Of course, there is also a rise in prosecutions of whistleblowers on national security grounds in the U.S. over the past decade, coinciding with the war on terror. Like the prosecutions of journalists cited above, whistleblowers are being subjected to similarly lengthy sentences, correlated not with actual harm caused to the state but instead, perhaps, with the embarrassment caused.

The global war on terror is spinning out of control, and the persecution of journalists is just the latest indication.

ከሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሰልፍ አስተባባሪ ኮሚቴ ለኢትዮጵያ ዳያስፖራ የተላለፈ ጥሪ!

April 23, 2014

ሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ የብዙ ምሁራን መፍለቂያ ለመሆኗ አለም ይመሰክርላታል፡፡ አንቱ የተባሉ ምሁራንን በማፍራት ለዓለም አበርክታለች፡፡ ለዚህም ማሳያ የሚሆነው በአለም ካሉ ታላላቅ ዩንቨርስቲዎች እና የምርምር ተቋማት እስከ አመራነት ድረስ ኢትዮጵያዊያን ባለሙያዎች መገኘታቸው ነው፡፡ እነዚህ ምሁራን በተሰማሩበት ስራ መስክ የሚያስመዘግቡት ውጤት እና በስራቸው ተሸላሚ መሆን ላነሳነው ሀሳብ ማጠናከሪያነት ያገለግለናል፡፡ እጅግ የሚያሳዝነውና ልብ የሚሰብረው ግን ሀገራችን ከእነዚህ ውድ ልጆቿ ተገቢውን ዋጋ አለማግኘቷ ነው፡፡ ሀገራችን የወላድ መካን እየሆነች ነው፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ ሆነ ተብሎ የሚቀነባበር ሴራ መሆኑን እንገነዘባለን፡፡

ሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ የብዙ ምሁራን መፍለቂያ ብትሆንም ቅሉ በተከታታይ ስልጣኑን የጨበጡት ጭፍን አንባገነኖች በሚያራምዱት አግላይ ምሁር ፖሊሲ ምክንያት እውቀታችሁን እና ገንዘባችሁን በምትወዷት ሀገራችሁ ኢንቨስት አድታደርጉ ሁኔታዎች ባለመመቻቸታቸው የስደትን መራራ ጽዋ እንድትጨልጡ ተገዳችኋል፡፡ ከዚህም በተጨማሪ በተለይ ባለፉት 10 አመታት በተቃዋሚዎች መዳከም የሚያታግል ኃይል አጥታችሁ እንደቆያችሁም እናምናለን፡፡

ፓርቲያችን ሰማያዊ እያንዳንዱ ዲያስፖራ ሀገር ቤት ያለውን ዜጋ ያክል የኢትዮጵያዊነት መብት አለው ብሎ ያምናል፡፡ ይህ ይረጋገጥ ዘንድም አጥብቆ ይታገላል፡፡ በተለያየ ሁኔታና ወቅት አንባገነኖችን በሀገር ውስጥ እንደታገላችሁ እናምናለን፡፡ ለዚህ ትግላችሁና ለከፈላችሁት ዋጋም እውቅና እንሰጣለን፡፡ በስርዓቶቹ ጨካኝ ዱላ እና ሰቆቃ ብዛት ውድ ሀገራችሁን ትታችሁ የሥደትን ኑሮ ትገፉ ዘንድ ቢበየንባችሁም ስለ ኢትዮጵያ ከመብሰልሰል እንዳልዳናችሁና ሀሳባችሁ ሀገር ቤት ስለ መሆኑ መስካሪ አያሻም፡፡

ውድ የሀገራችን ልጆች እናንተ የሰው ሀገር በምታለሙበት በአሁኑ ሰዓት ሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ የጉልበት ሰራተኛ ሳይቀር ከቻይናና ከህንድ በከፍተኛ ክፍያ እያስመጣች ትገኛለች፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ የእጅ አዙር ቅኝ ግዛት ስለ መሆኑ ለእናንተ መንገር ለቀባሪ እንደ ማርዳት ያለ ነው፡፡ ይህ በእውነት ለአንድ ሀገር ወዳድ ዜጋ እንደ እግር እሳት ያንገበግባል፡፡ ልማታዊ መንግስት ነኝ በሚል የቃላት ጋጋታ ብቻ ከድሃው ወገናችሁ በሚሰበስበው ገንዘብ የሰከረው ጉልበታም መንግስት ዴሞክራሲና ልማት አንድ ላይ አብረው አይሄዱም በሚል ማሳሳቻ በየ ጊዜው ጉልበቱን እያፈረጠመ የሄደው በአብዛኛው እናንተ ከምትኖሩበት ከምዕራባውያን ሀገራት በሚቀበለው እርዳታ መሆኑ ሀቅ ነው፡፡

ዳያስፖራው በነጻነት መኖር ምን ማለት እንደሆነ በተግባር ያውቀዋል፡፡ ነጻ ሆኖ መስራት ለሀገር ልማት ግንባታ ያለውን ጠቀሜታም ሀገር ቤት ካለው ህዝብ በተሻለ ሁኔታ ይገነዘባል፡፡ ድህነትና አንባገነንነት ባመጣው ጦስ ኢትዮጵያዊ ክብራችን ተገፎ በየ በረሃው ዜጎቻችን እንደ እንስሳት ሲታረዱ፣ እህቶቻንን በቡድን ሲደፈሩ፣ ወገኖቻችን ልብና ኩላሊታቸው ወጥቶ ለገበያ ሲውል እንደማየት ያለ ዘግናኝ ተግባር ምን አለ?!! ይህ ህገ ወጥ ተግባር ሊፈጸምባቸው አይገባም ብላችሁ ያሳያችሁት ለወገን መቆርቆር ይበል የሚያስብልና ሊበረታታ የሚገባው ነው ብለን እናምናለን፡፡

በተለይ የሳውዲ መንግስት በዜጎቻችን ላይ የወሰደባቸውን ህገ ወጥ ተግባር ለማውገዝ ያደረጋችሁትን ርብርብና ለሀገራችን በአንድ ሆ ብላችሁ መቆማችንሁን በድጋሚ እያመሰገንን አንባገነኑን ኢህአዴግ ለመታገል በሚደረገው ትግል አጋራነታችሁን ስለምንገነዘብ ከጎናችን በመሆን ለምታሳዩት ውጣ ውረድ እውቅና እንሰጣለን፡፡ ከዚህ በፊት ያሳያችሁትን የትግል ቁርጠኝነት እንደምትደግሙት በማመን ያላችሁን የገንዘብ አቅም፣ የእውቀትና የተሰሚነት ሚና በመጠቀም የአንባገነኑን ስርዓት አፈና በማጋለጥ ከጎናችን እንድትሰለፉ ስንል እንጠይቃለን፡፡ ዳያስፖራው ያለውን የኢኮኖሚ ነጻነት፣ የሚዲያ ነጻነትና፣ ሀገር ቤት ካለው ጋር ሲነጻጸር ያለው የለሻለ የትምህርት ደረጃና ልምድ፣ እንዲሁም በእርዳታ ሰጭ ሀገራት ያለው የተሰሚነት አቅም ተጠቅሞ ሀገር ቤት ያለውን ትግል በማገዝ ነጻ የምንወጣበትን ቀን ሊያፋጥን እንደሚገባ ፓርቲያችን ያምናል፡፡

ፓርቲያችን የህግ የበላይነትን ለማስፈን ሁሉንም የሀገሪቱን ዜጋ ያሳተፈ ትግል በማድረግ ላይ ይገኛል፡፡ ዘርፈ ብዙ ትግል ውስጥ ደግሞ ሚያዝያ 19/2006 ዓ.ም ‹‹የተነጠቁ መብቶቻችን እናስመልስ›› በሚል መሪ ቃል ታላቅና ደማቅ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ያካሂዳል፡፡ በመሆኑም ይህን ሁሉን አቀፍ የሆነ ሰላማዊ ትግል በሞራል፣ በእውቀትና በምክር፣ እንዲሁም በገንዘብ በማገዝ የትግሉ አጋር ትሆኑ ዘንድ ጥሪያችን እናስተላልፋለን፡፡

ከአገራችሁ እርቃችሁ የምትኖሩ በመሆናችሁ አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ አብራችሁን ባትቀሰቅሱ፣ ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ባትወጡና ባትታሰሩም መረጃውን ለዓለም ህዝብ በማድረስ ከፍተኛ ሚና እየተጫወታችሁ ቆይታችኋል፡፡ በዚህ ሰልፍም አገር ቤት ለሚኖሩ ቤተሰብ፣ ጓደኛ እንዲሁም ሌላው ህዝብ በስልክ፣ በማህበራዊ ድህረ ገጽና የተለያዩ መልዕክት ማስተላለፊያዎች በመጠቀም ህዝቡን የማነቃቃት አቅምና አጋጣሚ ተጠቅማችሁ በትግል ጉዟችን ተሳታፊ እንድትሆኑ ጥሪ እናቀርባለን፡፡

ኑ ራሳችንን ነጻ በማውጣት የአገራችንን እጣ ፈንታ እንወስን!

Ethiopia: Telecom Users` Rights Abuse

April 8, 2014

by Mekonenn Elalla Fekadu

In recent reports by Human Right Watch/HRW/, it emerges how Ethiopia has built up a large monitoring system for controlling citizens network and phone usage. In the country there is telecommunication and network monopoly .And according to HRW there is no constraints that prevent the government from gaining an overview of who have contact with any one on the phones, and internet, in addition, they also save cone phone calls on a large scale. The authorities have an opportunity to store all phone conversations going on the country and outside the country. According to the HRW report ,it often happens in the interrogation that the police are playing phone calls that the arrested person had with family and friends ,specially conversations with someone abroad .This has led many Ethiopians abroad are afraid to call home to Ethiopia.

It is not a secret to any one that the TPLF bandits are doing all they can to remain in powers, so this is one of their tools supposing intimidate all of those who don’t share their evil ideology of hates and especially those denouncing and fighting their tyrant regime. 

TPLF/EPRDF are specializes on hijacking, assassination, looting and introducing bombs .They are really specialized on the matter of crimes of terrorism. Majority of the people are starving with the lack of foods, and children suffering of malnutrition but the TPLF bandits have means to through millions of dollars to pay for Chines hackers.

TPLF hunt for an anonymous blogger who criticized a new law that defies the constitution. The international Telecommunication union/ITU/ estimated internet penetration at 1.5 per cent, this seems surprisingly low, although the precise scale of usage is notoriously difficult to ascertain in Ethiopia. Foryears, the Ethiopia government had systematically restricted access to political content on line.

Bloggers are not immune from legal threats, and a TPLF security wasted valuable time and resources trying to identify an anonymous blogger who had criticized their conflict with a constitutional court. Ethiopia’s telecom sector cannot easily sustain responsible investment .A repressive legal framework that allows for security, privacy, and human rights abuses governs the sector. 

These laws permits the government to engage in surveillance, censorship, cyber-attacks collect and store user data, and disrupt communications. Although freedom of expression is enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution, the guarantees are qualified by the phrase, cyber-attacks against opposition pages like OLF /Oromo liberation front/and other websites are common in Ethiopia and have intensified following the

protests ,several online forums, websites, and Facebook pages related to the protesters were hacked. It is saddens me to think that, one of the poorest country on earth, deploying the most sophisticated technology to spy its citizens, majority of the people are denied the most simple basic services like clean water,access to reliable telephone services…etc. population of 90 million only 1.5 per cent of the population have an access to internet .I don`t know how on earth one justifies to spend our limited resources frivolously like the way the wanes are spending it. It’s almost a crime for the sake of fake security.

All human beings are born with inalienable rights. These human rights empower people to pursue lives of dignity – thus, no government can bestow them but all governments should protect them. Freedom, built on a foundation of justice, tolerance, dignity, and respect – regardless of ethnicity, religion, political association, or social standing – allows people to pursue these fundamental rights. Whereas dictatorships deny human rights, free societies continually strive to attain them.

Ethiopians in Norway discussed the current political situation in Ethiopia and the role of the Diaspora

April 16, 2014

This meeting was organized by the Democratic Change in Ethiopia Support Organization in Norway (DCESON) and took place on the 12th of April 2014 in Oslo from 15.00-21:00 p.m.

It was attended by around 200 Ethiopians who live in Oslo and the other parts of Norway. The guest speaker at the meeting was ato Bizuneh Tsige who is the member of the leadership of Ginbo7 movement for justice, democracy and freedom. The guest speaker held a broad speech.

The public meeting was opened by holding a minute of silence to remember the victims of the TPLF racist rulers and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia. The minute of silence was led by ato Abi Amare who is in charge of the public relations part of the DCESON. Following this, ato Yohannes Alemu, the chairman of the DCESON spoke about how the DCESON was established and its objectives. He told the participants that the organization at the moment supports the UDJ party that is based in Ethiopia and Ginbot7 that is based in exile (abroad). Moreover, he stressed that all Ethiopians should overcome their differences and contribute to the decisive all sided struggle to get rid of the racist rule of the TPLF in Ethiopia.

The guest speaker ato Bizuneh Tsige spoke about the history of the struggle of Ethiopians beginning from the period of the rule of Emperor Haile Selaasie to the present one. He pointed out that the current racist TPLF rule is totally different from the preceding governments because it is based on and fosters ethnicity. Ato Bizuneh Tsige also mentioned the causes for the collapse of the two former governments and dealt in detail with the clear causes that can bring about the rapid collapse of the TPLF regime. He mentioned the following two issues as the significant ones in the present Ethiopian politics.

1. The current conflict between the Muslim community and the TPLF regime.

2. The opposition to the renaissance dam.

In relation to the opposition of the Muslim community, he indicated that the struggle is peaceful and the TPLF regime has not been able to suppress it. He admires the struggle. The regime has not addressed and answered the demands of the Muslim community and he does not expect any positive or constructive response from the TPLF regime. The evidence for this view is the fact that the regime has not met any of the four demands of the Muslim community so far. Besides, the regime has arrested the leaders of the Muslim community on the basis of fabricated charges. The prisoners are languishing in the regime`s prison without the due process of law. He could not say how long the struggle of the Muslims will continue as it is now but he said he does not believe the struggle will continue and go long without changing its present direction. He stated that the struggle of the Muslim community can succeed as part of the overall struggle of Ethiopians for their basic human and democratic rights. This struggle should go further and include all the rights.

Concerning the issue of the renaissance dam, he explained that the regime has come up with this idea or project to distract the attention of the public from the repression and crisis in the country. The TPLF dictatorship does not have any national vision and has gone to the extent of giving away Ethiopian land.

The opposition forces in the Diaspora have foiled all the attempts of the TPLF regime to mobilize and collect money through selling bonds and direct contributions from the Diaspora. Ethiopians living in Norway have also foiled the same attempts of the regime to sell bonds and collect money in Norway. He concluded his speech by stating that the issue of the dam can cause the fall of the TPLF regime and its current confrontation with Egypt can create a dangerous condition and be harmful to Ethiopia.

Following this, the guest speaker responded to the several and various questions raised by the participants and wide ranging discussions were held. Later on, the vice chairman of the DCESON ato Daniel Abebe made s statement of declaration of position and said that the DCESON condemns the repression and human rights violations the TPLF is committing against the people of Ethiopia. He also reiterated that the DCESON will continue to stand by and support Ginbot 7. He thanked ato Bizuneh for coming and speaking to the participants.

The song of Ginbot 7 popular force was sung in the beginning and end of the meeting by the singers and the participants were entertained by Ethiopian cultural music. Ethiopian dishes prepared by the women`s section of the DCESON were also served during the meeting. The whole meeting was led by ato Fikre Assefa. In the end, the DCESON thanks all who contributed to the success of the meeting, came from the other parts of Norway and members of the organization.

Victory to the people of Ethiopia.

The DCESON.

Ethiopian accuses UK over support for brutal government in Addis

By By Ian Birrell, Daily Mail
March 30, 2014

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• The farmer claims aid is funding a despotic one-party state in his country
• Alleges regime is forcing thousands from their land using murder and rape
• Prime Minister David Cameron says donations are a mark of compassion
• If farmer is successful, Ministers might have to review overseas donations

An Ethiopian farmer has been given legal aid in the UK to sue Britain – because he claims millions of pounds sent by the UK to his country is supporting a brutal regime that has ruined his life.

He says UK taxpayers’ money – £1.3?billion over the five years of the coalition Government – is funding a despotic one-party state in his country that is forcing thousands of villagers such as him from their land using murder, torture and rape.
The landmark case is highly embarrassing for the Government, which has poured vast amounts of extra cash into foreign aid despite belt-tightening austerity measures at home.
Prime Minister David Cameron claims the donations are a mark of Britain’s compassion.
But the farmer – whose case is set to cost tens of thousands of pounds – argues that huge sums handed to Ethiopia are breaching the Department for International Development’s (DFID) own human rights rules.

He accuses the Government of devastating the lives of some of the world’s poorest people rather than fulfilling promises to help them. The case comes amid growing global concern over Western aid propping up corrupt and repressive regimes.
If the farmer is successful, Ministers might have to review major donations to other nations accused of atrocities, such as Pakistan and Rwanda – and it could open up Britain to compensation claims from around the world.

Ethiopia, a key ally in the West’s war on terror, is the biggest recipient of British aid, despite repeated claims from human rights groups that the cash is used to crush opposition.
DFID was served papers last month by lawyers acting on behalf of ‘Mr O’, a 33-year-old forced to abandon his family and flee to a refugee camp in Kenya after being beaten and tortured for trying to protect his farm.

He is not seeking compensation but to challenge the Government’s approach to aid. His name is being withheld to protect his wife and six children who remain in Ethiopia.
‘My client’s life has been shattered by what has happened,’ said Rosa Curling, the lawyer handling the case. ‘It goes entirely against what our aid purports to stand for.’

Exodus: The farmer claims villagers are being attacked by troops driving them from their land

‘Why is the West, especially the UK, giving so much money to the Ethiopian government when it is committing atrocities on my people?’ asked Mr O when we met last year.
His London-based lawyers argue that DFID is meant to ensure recipients of British aid do not violate human rights, and they have failed to properly investigate the complaints. 
Human Rights Watch has issued several scathing reports highlighting the impact of villagisation and showing how Ethiopia misuses aid for political purposes, such as diverting food and seeds  to supporters.
Concern focuses on a massive scheme called Protection of Basic Services, which is designed to upgrade public services and is part-funded by DFID.

Force: Ethiopian federal riot police point their weapons at protesting students in a square in the country's capital, Addis Ababa

Critics say this cash pays the salaries of officials implementing resettlements and for infrastructure at new villages.
DFID officials have not interviewed Mr O, reportedly saying it is too risky to visit the United Nations-run camp in Kenya where he is staying, and refuse to make their assessments public.
A spokesman said they could not comment specifically on the legal action but added: ‘It is wrong to suggest that British development money is used to force people from their homes. Our support to the Protection of Basic Services programme is only used to provide healthcare, schooling, clean water and other services.’

BRUTALLY DRIVEN FROM HIS FERTILE LAND - AND HE BLAMES BRITAIN 

Intimidation: Riot police confront a man (not the claimant) near the Tegbareed Industrial College as officers beat rock-throwing students during a demonstration

As he showed me  pictures on his mobile phone of his homeland, the tall, bearded farmer smiled fondly. ‘We were very happy growing up there and living there,’ he said. This was hardly surprising: the lush Gambela region of Ethiopia is a fertile place of fruit trees, rivers and fissures of gold, writes Ian Birrell
That was the only smile when I met Mr O in the Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya last year. He told me how his simple family life had been destroyed in seconds – and how he blames British aid for his misery. ‘I miss my family so much,’ he said. ‘I don’t want to be relying on handouts –  I want to be productive.’
His nightmare began in November 2011 when Ethiopian troops accompanied by officials arrived in his village and ordered everyone to leave for a new location.


Men who refused were beaten and women were raped, leaving some infected with HIV.
I met a blind man who was  hit in the face and a middle-aged mother whose husband was  shot dead beside her – she still bore obvious the scars from  her own beating and rape by three soldiers.
Unlike their previous home, their new village had no food, water, school or health facilities. They were not given farmland and there were just a few menial jobs
.
‘The government was pretending it was about development,’ said Mr O, 33. ‘But they just want to push the indigenous people off so they can take our land and gold.’

After speaking out against forced relocations and returning to his village, Mr O was taken to a military camp where for three days he was gagged with a sock in his mouth, severely kicked and beaten with rifle butts and sticks.

‘I thought it would be better  to die than to suffer like this,’ he  told me.
Afterwards, like thousands of others, he fled the country; now he lives amid the dust and squalor of the world’s largest refugee camp. He says their land was then given to relatives of senior regime figures and foreign investors from Asia and the Middle East.
‘I am very angry about this aid,’ he said. ‘Britain needs to check what is happening to its money.
‘I hope the court will act to stop the killing, stop the land-grabbing and stop your Government supporting the Ethiopian government behind this.’
As the dignified Mr O said so sagely, what is happening in his country is the precise opposite  of development.